Frequently
Asked
Questions

The NCP Mouse logo is a direct homage to Mouseland, the political fable made famous by Tommy Douglas.

• In the story, the mice keep electing cats and then wonder why life never changes for mice.
• The message is simple: people are strongest when they lead themselves instead of handing power to those who do not share their interests.
• The mouse in our logo stands for democratic self-government in Saskatchewan: ordinary people shaping policy, institutions, and the future together.

The New Century Party and its Saskatchewan 21 Policies platform was built by just one person.

A full disclosure on myself will be released publicly when ready. For now, the focus is on the platform, testing the ideas, and finding the people who think it's worth building.

Yes. I want to be unequivocal about that. AI was used extensively in drafting, editing, organizing, and refining this platform. That is something people deserve to know.

It lessens the moral clarity and overall integrity of the entire project. I know it does. If the use of AI weakens or outright negates the platform in your eyes, I understand why and applaud your dedication to your principles.

However, I want to make it clear: the thought, the ideas, the intent, and a majority of the actual words, are human made and originated. That doesn't excuse the use of AI, though. I just want people to understand that this wasn't a fully AI-generated platform. I did not just prompt chatGPT to come up with 21 policies and make them work.

AI was used as a conversational and brainstorming tool because I needed a springboard. A way to refine my ideas and find new ones that allowed the platform to grow into what it is now. 21 deeply interconnected policies that answer a question I could not let go of: what if society was based on Human Dignity first and foremost?

The most heavily AI-assisted policy was Policy 21, which required significant fiscal analysis and modeling. Those are skills I do not have, and wouldn't dare to pretend otherwise.

I also believe the current AI industry is environmentally destructive, politically dangerous, and in need of far stronger public regulation. Using AI here does not mean endorsing that industry.

I am not an absolutist. I want to make Saskatchewan a better place for all. I believe that if an AI can come up with ways to help humanity thrive that we should use them, despite their origin.

First, we need to say that the New Century Party (NCP) has the utmost respect for the NDP. They have been fighting the good fight against the SaskParty for nearly 20 years, holding back the worst of the SaskParty's instincts.

However, over time, that fight has resulted in the NDP becoming timid; afraid of its own shadow from past mistakes. They moderate themselves to the centre so much that the meaningful differences between them and the SaskParty have shrunk. This leaves many Saskatchewan residents, particularly those who do not live in the cities, without a meaningful alternative.

• The NCP is willing to be bold and unapologetically Saskatchewan.
• The NDP is not.
• The NCP is willing to tell our Energy Veterans working in the Oil and Gas sectors that the industry is coming to an end by forces outside of our control, and that we will have their backs through it.
• The NDP is not.

Saskatchewan has leverage the province has never fully used. Its uranium, its potash, its pipelines, its food. The NCP is willing to use it. And if the NDP ever is too, we will be the first to celebrate. But we can't afford to wait.

No. This is not socialism. This is Economic Democracy.

Some people will hear that and think it means the same thing. It doesn't, and that distinction matters.

The difference is that Economic Democracy is not about flattening everything into state ownership. This is about making sure ordinary people have real power over the economic forces that shape their lives, whether through public institutions, democratic ownership, strong labour rights, co-operatives, regional leverage, or rules that put human dignity ahead of private extraction.

If the solution to the king was democracy in government, the solution to the oligarchs and the elite is democracy in the economy.

The New Century Party is not socialist. We are Economic Democratists. That means we believe the economy should serve the people who live and work in it, not the other way around.

In one sense, just by you reading this, by reading the policies, by letting these ideas exist in public, we have already won something real. The ideas are out there now. People can no longer say Saskatchewan has no options, no leverage, no alternative future.

People will always know that this province holds enormous leverage through its potash, its uranium, its pipelines, and its food.

And once people know what they have, every government in charge, no matter who it is, has to answer the same question: why are you not willing to use that leverage? Why are you not willing to pull that lever for the people of Saskatchewan?

If the SaskParty or the NDP adopt our ideas, is that not a win? A win for the people of Saskatchewan is still a win. Electoral victory matters, but political victory also means forcing the entire conversation to change.

If you are interested in helping us win electorally too, please visit the Get Involved page and let us know.

Policy 01 makes dignity the legal starting point for every provincial decision.

• It binds ministries, Crown corporations, municipalities, and government contractors to respect, protect, and uphold human dignity.
• It expands the Human Rights Code to explicitly protect neurodiversity, gender identity and expression, disability, and social condition.
• It stops governments from using inconvenience, austerity, or administrative pressure as excuses for indignity.

No. Policy 02 is a single front door for targeted, stackable income supports, not a flat payment to every resident.

• It replaces a large share of the current patchwork of provincial supports with one application, one case, and one profile.
• Its eight components include Core support, Dependents, Rental Support, Disability, Seniors, Care Home, Childcare, and a Northern Supplement.
• Benefits are indexed to inflation, mostly renewed automatically, and designed so unrelated roommates do not wipe out a household's eligibility.

Policy 03 expands medicare in phases until a much broader range of care is covered at $0 point of care.

• Pharmacare, mental health, dental, vision, hearing, home and community care, and long-term care conversion all expand over the transition period.
• The plan includes major workforce recruitment, tuition support, prior-learning recognition, and pay improvements to stabilize staffing.
• The Universal Health Levy replaces a large share of private insurance spending instead of simply piling a new cost on top of the old system.

Policy 04 treats reconciliation as binding co-governance, not symbolic consultation.

• A co-developed Consent Protocol requires free, prior, and informed consent on decisions that affect Indigenous lands, communities, waters, cultures, or livelihoods.
• The province adopts a Saskatchewan UNDRIP Implementation Act, creates new reconciliation and MMIWG2S offices, and requires concrete plans for the Calls to Action.
• Capacity funding, Crown-land right of first refusal, and the National Day for Truth and Reconciliation are built into the policy itself.

Policy 05 combines immediate tenant protections with a long-term public housing buildout.

• A five-year rent freeze, winter eviction ban, and stronger tenant rules stop the bleeding while supply is rebuilt.
• Priority Housing Zones, standard plans, and rapid rebuild tools speed up approvals and construction where housing is needed most.
• SaskHomes and the Saskatchewan Housing Corporation are tasked with building 100,000 public homes over time instead of waiting for speculative markets to solve the problem.

Policy 06 modernizes how Saskatchewan heats homes, moves people, lays infrastructure, and connects digitally.

• SaskEnergy becomes a public thermal utility, using ambient loops, heat pumps, and zero-upfront on-bill repayment to cut direct fossil-gas dependence over time.
• SaskTel is tasked with affordable high-speed service for every household and farm, with fibre wherever practical and a province-wide fibre goal over the longer term.
• The STC returns as a combined passenger, freight, grocery, and logistics network, while the Dig Once rule stops governments from tearing up the same streets again and again.

Policy 07 shifts public safety away from reactive force and toward crisis response, accountability, and prevention.

• The Saskatchewan Marshals budget is redirected into Community Crisis Officers and non-police teams for non-violent emergency calls.
• 24/7 addictions and sobering centres, encampment responses tied to housing, and harm-reduction supports address root causes instead of just displacement.
• A rewritten Police Act strengthens de-escalation, transparency, data collection, and public oversight.

Policy 08 gives workers a real shot at saving their workplace when an owner wants to sell, close, relocate, or walk away.

• Businesses with five or more employees must notify the Fair Work Authority before certain closures, sales, relocations, or bankruptcy events.
• Eligible workers get a 180-day exclusivity window to organize a serious bid and convert the business into a co-operative.
• The Saskatchewan Co-operative Development Agency provides financing brokerage, training, templates, and conversion support to make that bid realistic.

Policy 09 rewrites the labour floor in Saskatchewan instead of leaving workers to bargain from weakness.

• The standard work week gradually falls to 30 hours over eight years, and the minimum wage rises to $25 over that same period.
• Workers gain stronger overtime, scheduling, vacation, sick-day, classification, and after-hours contact protections.
• The Fair Work Authority and expanded SaskJobs system enforce the new rules while helping employers and apprentices adapt.

Policy 10 is built so fossil-fuel workers are not discarded while the province changes direction.

• Workers can retire with a pension bridge, retrain with wage replacement and childcare support, or redeploy directly into the next buildout.
• Benefits include a bonus, debt-shield protections, ticket and pension parity, and targeted help for families.
• The point is a managed transition with dignity, not abandonment dressed up as climate policy.

Policy 11 creates a permanent public workforce and training instrument that can be pointed wherever Saskatchewan needs to build.

• The Corps hires, trains, and credentials workers through paid pathways tied to ministries, Crowns, municipalities, and co-operatives.
• Its crews can be deployed into housing, fibre, thermal systems, resilience work, and other platform projects that would otherwise rely entirely on outside contractors.
• It also keeps an emergency reserve of skilled crews ready for disasters and other urgent public work.

Policy 12 rebuilds education from pre-K through adult learning instead of treating each stage as a separate crisis.

• It funds educator bonuses and raises, school meals, class-size agreements, support staff, supplies, and universal public pre-kindergarten.
• It creates a Saskatchewan Library Authority, expands the Distance Learning Centre, and restores serious arts and public research funding.
• Post-secondary institutions get multi-year funding, tuition caps, capacity expansion, and voucher-linked access tied to real labour needs.

Policy 13 is the platform's climate accountability and managed fossil-sunset policy.

• It ends fossil-fuel subsidies, raises the Liability Management Ratio to 2.0, and requires cash cleanup bonds from operators below that threshold.
• It creates a 15-year managed sunset for oil and gas operations, paired with worker protections through Energy Veterans and the Century Corps.
• It also creates a right to a healthy environment, establishes the Saskatchewan Environmental Economics Agency, and treats any climate lawsuit recovery as upside rather than core funding.

Policy 14 treats food as critical infrastructure instead of leaving it to distant middlemen and fragile chains.

• The Saskatchewan Agriculture Board offers voluntary pools, margin insurance, spring advances, bulk procurement, grading arbitration, and farmland protection.
• SaskGrocery builds a public wholesale and retail system with food-desert rollout and an Essentials Basket priced the same in every community it serves.
• The Farmer Right to Repair Act gives producers real access to manuals, parts, software, and diagnostics on fair terms.

Policy 15 changes Saskatchewan from a royalties-only province into an ownership province.

• New major or significantly expanded resource projects move to a 33 1/3% / 33 1/3% / 33 1/3% model shared by the Province, the Treaty Nations Resource Trust, and the private partner.
• The Province acquires the public and Indigenous shares at audited cost to date, while projects outside that model face stronger royalties, windfall levies, dormant-lease taxes, and value-add rules.
• SaskPower modernization, the Virtual Power Plant, phased CANDU expansion, and Saskatchewan-based uranium processing are all part of the same sovereignty strategy.

Policy 16 treats software, data, and digital infrastructure as part of public sovereignty, not just IT procurement.

• Sensitive provincial data must be stored and processed in Saskatchewan, and vendors cannot train models on provincial datasets.
• An open-source-first approach, Saskatchewan Digital Services, SaskCloud, and secure public digital tools reduce vendor lock-in and keep more capacity in province.
• Digital sovereignty does not mean digital-only services. In-person access and accessibility remain required.

Policy 17 builds a long-run endowment and a provincial cash-management institution, each with a different job.

• The Saskatchewan Sovereignty Fund is an intergenerational endowment protected by a supermajority lock so it cannot be casually raided.
• The Saskatchewan Financial Group is a public treasury, depository, and liquidity institution, not a retail bank.
• Over time the province's operating float moves out of the Big Five and into Saskatchewan-controlled financial infrastructure that can strengthen credit unions and keep more public cash at home.

Policy 18 is a package of electoral reform, lobbying reform, campaign-finance reform, and public lawmaking tools.

• Saskatchewan moves to Mixed Member Proportional representation, lowers the voting age to 16, and introduces mandatory voting with a small, waivable fine.
• Corporate, union, and outside money is barred, consultant lobbying is banned, and lobbying meetings are pulled into the open.
• CodeShare Civics creates a Saskatchewan-made public repository where residents can read, track, discuss, and propose changes to laws.

Policy 19 creates public industrial capacity so Saskatchewan is not always waiting at the back of someone else's supply chain.

• SMC Housing, SMC Energy, SMC Agriculture, and SMC Nuclear build public capacity in housing modules, thermal hardware, batteries, food processing, and uranium fuel fabrication.
• The province becomes an anchor customer for what it already needs to build, which gives the factories a real demand base from day one.
• The goal is not to replace every private manufacturer. It is to ensure Saskatchewan can build core systems for itself when the market will not do it reliably.

Policy 20 builds a province-wide disaster system that people can actually use before, during, and after emergencies.

• Primary Regional Resilience Hubs and smaller Local Resilience Sites provide clean air, backup power, communications, shelter, refrigeration, and short-term support.
• The target is for 90% of residents to be able to reach an appropriate site within a 30-minute drive.
• These sites are meant for wildfire smoke, heat, cold, outages, storms, floods, and recurring disruptions, not only rare once-in-a-generation disasters.

Policy 21 treats the platform as a 25-year fiscal framework, not a one-year budget trick.

• The current model shows a 25-year net cost of C$120.71B in the low case, C$181.89B in the base case, and C$282.72B in the high case.
• It separates funding into lanes: GRF operations, dedicated levies, Crown and utility borrowing, SaskBonds, enterprise recoveries, and intergenerational wealth architecture.
• On the hard base case, the platform does not return to annual balance within 25 years. Under the debt-service model, annual balance returns around 2053 on the moderate path and around 2042 on the transformation path.